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Topics described under the heading Politics (P) include: Governance; Development; Human Rights; Religion, Markets; Inequality; Migration; Urbanism; Ethics; Health; Climate Change, Peace, War, Security; Migration; Diplomacy; Peace; Philanthropy

Politics

Model International Mobility Convention

While people are as mobile as they ever were in our globalized world, the movement of people across borders lacks global regulation. This leaves many refugees in protracted displacement and many migrants unprotected in irregular and dire situations. Meanwhile, some states have become concerned that their borders have become irrelevant. International mobility—the movement of individuals across borders for any length of time as visitors, students, tourists, labor migrants, entrepreneurs, long-term residents, asylum seekers, or refugees—has no common definition or legal framework. To address this key gap in international law, and the growing gaps in protection and responsibility that are leaving people vulnerable, the "Model International Mobility Convention" proposes a framework for mobility with the goals of reaffirming the existing rights afforded to mobile people (and the corresponding rights and responsibilities of states) as well as expanding those basic rights where warranted. In 213 articles divided over eight chapters, the Convention establishes both the minimum rights afforded to all people who cross state borders as visitors, and the special rights afforded to tourists, students, migrant workers, investors and residents, forced migrants, refugees, migrant victims of trafficking and migrants caught in countries in crisis. Some of these categories are covered by existing international legal regimes. However, in this Convention these groups are for the first time brought together under a single framework. An essential feature of the Convention is that it is cumulative. This means, for the most part, that the chapters build on and add rights to the set of rights afforded to categories of migrants covered by earlier chapters. The Convention contains not only provisions that afford rights to migrants and, to a lesser extent, States (such as the right to decide who can enter and remain in their territory). It also articulates the responsibilities of migrants vis-à-vis States and the rights and responsibilities of different institutions that do not directly respond to a right held by migrants.

Publication type: 
Author: 
Diego Acosta
T. Alexander Aleinikoff
Kiran Meisan Banerjee
Elazar Barkan
Pierre Bertrand
Jagdish N. Bhagwati
Joseph Blocher
BorgnäEmma s
Frans Bouwen
Sarah Cliffe
Kevin L. Cope
CréFran peauçois
Michael W. Doyle
Yasmine Ergas
David Scott FitzGerald
Fran Fouinatçois
Justin Gest
Bimal Ghosh
Guy S. Goodwin-Gill
Randall Hansen
Mats Karlsson
Donald Kerwin
Khalid Koser
Rey Koslowski
Ian Matthew Kysel
Justin MacDermott
Susan F. Martin
Sarah A. D. Miller
Elora Mukherjee
Parvati Nair
Steven S. Nam
Daniel M. Naujoks
Jose A. Ocampo
Margaret M. Powers
Benedita Menezes Queiroz
S. Irudaya Rajan
Sarah Rosengaertner
Bianca Z. Santos
Saskia Sassen
Peter J. Spiro
Colleen Thouez
Joel P. Trachtman
Subjects: 
International law
Immigrants--Civil rights
Refugees--Civil rights
Emigration and immigration
Migration
Internal
Title string: 
Model International Mobility Convention
GUID update: 
https://academiccommons.columbia.edu/catalog/ac:6m905qftw5

The Emergence of the American University Abroad

This dissertation explores the relations of independent American universities abroad to one another and to American higher education through a mixed-method comparative case study of three eras (1919-1945; 1946-1990; 1991-2017). Applying insights from the study of organizations and social movements, it investigates 1) the formation, evolution, and eventual maturation of an organizational field of American universities abroad; and 2) the strategies field actors utilize to align frames about American universities abroad with values of potential supporters in the United States. The study employs both qualitative and quantitative methods to analyze data that come from archives, news media, institutional websites, interviews, and an original database. Findings have implications for study of international higher education, American higher education, and American foreign relations. I argue that over the course of a century, the American university abroad has emerged as a distinct institution and structural feature of American higher education. Episodic cooperation among various American universities abroad has served to organize the field to the extent that its “rules” eventually became institutionalized. Instances of continuity and change in the field’s rules are often the result of pressures emanating from U.S. higher education and foreign policies. Meanwhile, the field of American universities abroad, representing the frontier of American higher education, has continually enlarged the latter’s boundaries with each successive period of global expansion.

Author: 
Kyle A. Long
Subjects: 
Education
Higher
International relations
Foreign study
Universities and colleges
Title string: 
The Emergence of the American University Abroad
GUID update: 
https://academiccommons.columbia.edu/catalog/ac:63xsj3txc6

The Politics of Classification in Global Development

Many scholars primarily view international organizations as vehicles used by powerful states to distribute resources. However, this view trivializes the profound influence of their day-to-day operations on the world. This dissertation argues that that the classification systems developed by these bureaucracies significantly affect how classified countries are treated by many influential elites in the global economy. Focusing on the domain of development, I show that whether a country is categorized as a developing country has major effects on high-stakes decisions such as aid, investment, and credit and democracy ratings.
Why do international observers rely so heavily on these blunt categories? I propose two mechanisms by which classifications influence elite behavior: Elites may use classifications cognitively as heuristic devices that simplify decision-making processes or strategically as a way of justifying their behaviors to external audiences. I then show with cross-national data from 1987 to 2015 that a country's World Bank income classification correlates with the rewards it receives from actors who are susceptible to one or both of these mechanisms. Specifically, I find that becoming a middle income country causes a country to lose aid but receive better ratings of its creditworthiness and democracy. These findings are echoed in interviews with stakeholders in the graduation processes of several countries within a World Bank system. I test the micro-foundations of my theory with experimental data by inviting an elite sample of development professionals and students to participate in a hypothetical aid allocation activity. By randomizing the information included on the country profiles and the participation incentives, I show both that a classification effect exists and that, in the case of donors, it is primarily driven by the strategic mechanism. Coupled with the observational findings, which illustrate that classifications affect investors and raters with no such strategic incentives, this suggests that both mechanisms are essential to understanding who uses classifications.
How do these dynamics affect the experiences and behaviors of classified countries and groups within those countries? I argue that classifications produce winners and losers, who strategically respond to their classifications when able and informed. In particular, being categorized as a more developed country punishes non-governmental organizations and those they represent, while business interests and individual leaders benefit materially and socially. I illustrate these patterns through dozens of interviews with representatives from civil society, the business community, and government in Nepal and Botswana, two countries that are currently or have previously "graduated" from the UN's Least Developed Country category. Moreover, I provide qualitative and quantitative evidence that countries use a variety of strategies to attempt to change their classifications, and they do so in both directions. For example, I show that countries manipulate their data as they approach significant thresholds that separate categories, and while some seek to accelerate their transition, others try to hinder it.
This project identifies and explains a relatively unexamined power of international organizations in a context where its deployment significantly affects outcomes for developing countries. Classifications affect the highest level of interactions in ways that are felt by the poorest in society. As numerous countries begin to graduate from their developing country statuses, these findings are especially relevant for ongoing policy debates about how international organizations spread their understandings of development. Far from merely describing the world, these bureaucrats shape it in profound ways.

Author: 
Lindsay R. Dolan
Subjects: 
Political science
International relations
Classification
Investments
Foreign
International economic relations
Title string: 
The Politics of Classification in Global Development
GUID update: 
https://academiccommons.columbia.edu/catalog/ac:v9s4mw6md1

Walking and Learning with Indigenous Peoples: A Contribution to the 5th Anniversary of the International Summer Program on Indigenous Peoples’ Rights and Policy at Columbia University

The book has been conceptualized to bring out the relevance of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples through an analysis of various thematic and geographical areas and case studies. It is written by alumni of the international Summer Program on Indigenous Peoples’ Rights and Policy that has been held at Columbia from 2013-2017. Its vision is to make the University a cultural bridge of the world, through strengthening leadership and research in human rights and social justice. The International Summer Program on Indigenous Peoples’ Rights and Policy at Columbia is one of those avenues. This edited volume is devoted to the Fifth Anniversary of the Summer Program. We believe that it is impossible to study the world without including Indigenous Peoples' political practices, cultures, ways of knowing, aspirations and their global movement. It is also incongruous to ignore that Indigenous Peoples are literally changing the face of contemporary politics in every continent and have been and are continuously producing valuable knowledge for both the benefit of Indigenous Peoples and the well being of our entire planet.

Subjects: 
Indigenous peoples
Human rights
International law
Law
Public policy (Law)
Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (United Nations. General Assembly)
Title string: 
Walking and Learning with Indigenous Peoples: A Contribution to the 5th Anniversary of the International Summer Program on Indigenous Peoples’ Rights and Policy at Columbia University
GUID update: 
https://academiccommons.columbia.edu/catalog/ac:79cnp5hqd9

Dr. Strange Geo-Blocking Love Or: How The E.U. Learned To Stop Worrying About Cultural Integration And Love The TV Trade Barrier

The E.U. Antitrust Case that opened on July 23, 2015 against Sky U.K. and six American studios—Disney, Fox, NBCUniversal, Paramount Pictures, Sony and Warner Brothers—has its structural roots in the Television Without Frontiers Directive, which was vigorously debated as a last-minute standoff that threatened to derail the conclusion of the GATT Uruguay Round of trade negotiations and is still considered to be the cornerstone of the European Union’s audiovisual policy. This Article examines the unique history of a Cultural Exception with respect to audiovisual works as applied in trade negotiations to Hollywood film and television productions, and argues that, rather than violating E.U. regulations, the decades-old practice of regional contractual restrictions and geo-blocking is both consistent with and a direct result of the E.U.’s protectionist and paternalistic efforts to shield its individual member states’ local production entities from competition and its populations from a perceived and decidedly unwelcomed Svengali-like juggernaut of American cultural influence. The E.U. antitrust action is therefore in direct contravention to the spirit of the trade laws over which Hollywood studios were so stridently subjected to debating and is inconsistent with stated E.U. audiovisual norms. Abolishing regional access limitations will put the future of the E.U.’s various local distributors at risk, for the existing patchwork of distribution related rules impacting foreign property directly impacts American producers’ decisions regarding whether and how to continue to do business in the region. Thus, any attempt to implement the E.C.’s aspirational Digital Single Market 2020 target terms must be reconciled in light of the current political climate in Europe and global technological capabilities if the E.U. is to remain a relevant market at the forefront of the modern entertainment industry and continue to benefit from the uniquely privileged relationship it has enjoyed for nearly a century with its many Hollywood studio production partners.

Topic: 
Publication type: 
Author: 
Batia M. Zareh
Subjects: 
Law and art
Television--Law and legislation
Antitrust law
Motion pictures--Law and legislation
Title string: 
Dr. Strange Geo-Blocking Love Or: How The E.U. Learned To Stop Worrying About Cultural Integration And Love The TV Trade Barrier
GUID update: 
https://academiccommons.columbia.edu/catalog/ac:vmcvdncjwv

Libya: Sanctions Removal Done Right? A Review of the Libyan Sanctions Experience, 1980–2006

This paper reviews first the history of sanctions imposition against Libya from 1980–2000 and then sanctions relief from 2000–2011. In it, I offer an assessment first of the effects of sanctions and then the effects of sanctions relief, seeking to pin down the degree to which sanctions—rather than other economic factors or policy choices—were responsible for Libyan economic development. The paper then concludes with an analysis of the sanctions relief that Libya enjoyed and potential lessons for future sanctions imposition and relief projects.

Topic: 
Publication type: 
Author: 
Richard M. Nephew
Subjects: 
Economic sanctions
Sanctions (International law)
International relations
International economic relations
Title string: 
Libya: Sanctions Removal Done Right? A Review of the Libyan Sanctions Experience, 1980–2006
GUID update: 
https://academiccommons.columbia.edu/catalog/ac:k0p2ngf1xr

The EU investment court: challenges on the path ahead

The bilateral investment court system the EU buttressed since 2015 risks losing momentum in the face of complex internal and external challenges. This Perspective weighs these challenges against the recent UNCITRAL decision to address ISDS reform, providing for a better framework to seek for shared global solutions to long-expressed concerns.

Topic: 
Publication type: 
Author: 
Julien Chaisse
Matteo Vaccaro-Incisa
Subjects: 
Investments
Foreign--Law and legislation
International courts
International relations
Law
Title string: 
The EU investment court: challenges on the path ahead
GUID update: 
https://academiccommons.columbia.edu/catalog/ac:s7h44j0zs7

Using iterative learning to improve understanding during the informed consent process in a South African psychiatric genomics study

Obtaining informed consent is a great challenge in global health research. There is a need for tools that can screen for and improve potential research participants’ understanding of the research study at the time of recruitment. Limited empirical research has been conducted in low and middle income countries, evaluating informed consent processes in genomics research. We sought to investigate the quality of informed consent obtained in a South African psychiatric genomics study. A Xhosa language version of the University of California, San Diego Brief Assessment of Capacity to Consent Questionnaire (UBACC) was used to screen for capacity to consent and improve understanding through iterative learning in a sample of 528 Xhosa people with schizophrenia and 528 controls. We address two questions: firstly, whether research participants’ understanding of the research study improved through iterative learning; and secondly, what were predictors for better understanding of the research study at the initial screening? During screening 290 (55%) cases and 172 (33%) controls scored below the 14.5 cut-off for acceptable understanding of the research study elements, however after iterative learning only 38 (7%) cases and 13 (2.5%) controls continued to score below this cut-off. Significant variables associated with increased understanding of the consent included the psychiatric nurse recruiter conducting the consent screening, higher participant level of education, and being a control. The UBACC proved an effective tool to improve understanding of research study elements during consent, for both cases and controls. The tool holds utility for complex studies such as those involving genomics, where iterative learning can be used to make significant improvements in understanding of research study elements. The UBACC may be particularly important in groups with severe mental illness and lower education levels. Study recruiters play a significant role in managing the quality of the informed consent process.

Publication type: 
Author: 
Megan M. Campbell
Ezra S. Susser
Sumaya Mall
Sibonile G. Mqulwana
Michael M. Mndini
Odwa A. Ntola
Mohamed Nagdee
Zukiswa Zingela
Van Stephanus Wyk
Dan Stein
Subjects: 
Medical ethics
Public health--Research
Informed consent (Medical law)
Learning
Psychiatry
Title string: 
Using iterative learning to improve understanding during the informed consent process in a South African psychiatric genomics study
GUID update: 
https://academiccommons.columbia.edu/catalog/ac:8931zcrjfv

Essays on the Political Economy of International Agreements

This dissertation consists of three essays that sit at the intersection of international trade, political economy and the economics of innovation. It analyzes from a critical perspective the relationship between organized interest groups and international agreements on trade and intellectual property rights (IPR) protection and offers new theoretical insights, which it then supports empirically.
My first essay calls into question the logic of the standard Grossman-Helpman/Bagwell-Staiger model of trade agreements, according to which governments enter international treaties to prevent terms-of-trade manipulation and special interest politics has a trivial role. Despite its immense popularity, it remains inconsistent with observed trade policy and with the practitioners' understanding of trade treaties. By assuming that subsidies have additional political cost beyond their monetary cost, I show how international agreements result in the reduction of political protectionism through the crucial role of exporting lobbies in the negotiations process. At the same time, the model resolves three prominent puzzles in the literature: the terms-of-trade puzzle, the anti-trade bias puzzle and the inefficient redistribution puzzle. Finally I find empirical support for the model and my key assumption using data on US agricultural trade policy.
In the second essay I propose a model that considers the effect of firm lobbying for IPR protection in an international setting in innovation-driven economies. In particular, I compare the IPR protection level and global social welfare between the case when countries set their IPR policies non-cooperatively and when they enter an international treaty, such as the TRIPS, TPP and TTIP. I find that lobbying necessarily leads to inefficient international agreements resulting in too much IPR protection and may even be welfare-reducing relative to no cooperation. I also show that international lobbying and high concentration of capital can further exacerbate this outcome. The model generates predictions consistent with patterns I find in the data on US firms' lobbying expenditures and the value of their international patent portfolios.
Finally, the third essay provides a critique of a popular structural patent valuation methodology that utilizes the stock market response to news about patent grants, first introduced by Kogan et al. (2012). Using their methodology (refined and improved in terms of the theoretical derivation), I perform a placebo estimation of US patent values and compare the results with the true patent value estimates as per Kogan et al's paper. I find strong evidence that the "true" patent value estimates are not driven by patent news announcements, but rather are an artifact of the estimation methodology itself and as such cannot be used for comparisons across different patent-holding firms and grant years. I further corroborate the external validity of this critique by applying the same method to a novel database of Chinese patents and finding that the same conclusion holds.

Author: 
Goran Lazarevski
Subjects: 
Economics
Intellectual property
International trade
Econometric models
Title string: 
Essays on the Political Economy of International Agreements
GUID update: 
https://academiccommons.columbia.edu/catalog/ac:kwh70rxwg8

Pollution from Fossil-Fuel Combustion is the Leading Environmental Threat to Global Pediatric Health and Equity: Solutions Exist

Fossil-fuel combustion by-products are the world’s most significant threat to children’s health and future and are major contributors to global inequality and environmental injustice. The emissions include a myriad of toxic air pollutants and carbon dioxide (CO2), which is the most important human-produced climate-altering greenhouse gas. Synergies between air pollution and climate change can magnify the harm to children. Impacts include impairment of cognitive and behavioral development, respiratory illness, and other chronic diseases—all of which may be “seeded“ in utero and affect health and functioning immediately and over the life course. By impairing children’s health, ability to learn, and potential to contribute to society, pollution and climate change cause children to become less resilient and the communities they live in to become less equitable. The developing fetus and young child are disproportionately affected by these exposures because of their immature defense mechanisms and rapid development, especially those in low- and middle-income countries where poverty and lack of resources compound the effects. No country is spared, however: even high-income countries, especially low-income communities and communities of color within them, are experiencing impacts of fossil fuel-related pollution, climate change and resultant widening inequality and environmental injustice. Global pediatric health is at a tipping point, with catastrophic consequences in the absence of bold action. Fortunately, technologies and interventions are at hand to reduce and prevent pollution and climate change, with large economic benefits documented or predicted. All cultures and communities share a concern for the health and well-being of present and future children: this shared value provides a politically powerful lever for action. The purpose of this commentary is to briefly review the data on the health impacts of fossil-fuel pollution, highlighting the neurodevelopmental impacts, and to briefly describe available means to achieve a low-carbon economy, and some examples of interventions that have benefited health and the economy.

Publication type: 
Author: 
Frederica P. Perera
Subjects: 
Air--Pollution--Health aspects
Fossil fuels--Combustion--Environmental aspects
Children--Health and hygiene
Child development
Environmental justice
Title string: 
Pollution from Fossil-Fuel Combustion is the Leading Environmental Threat to Global Pediatric Health and Equity: Solutions Exist
GUID update: 
https://academiccommons.columbia.edu/catalog/ac:zpc866t1js

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